The University of British Columbia created explainer videos with the aid of a grant from the IDRC’s Knowledge for Democracy (K4DM) initiative.
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(This article was originally posted on the International Development Research Centre website in English and French. Contributors: Edgard Rodriguez, lead officer, K4DM initiative, IDRC; and Kundan Mishra, senior program officer, IDRC.)
In 2025, Thailand adopted a landmark policy, granting Myanmar nationals living in temporary shelters and border areas the legal right to work outside refugee camps. For the first time in decades, about 42,000 working-age individuals can now work legally, open bank accounts and benefit from labour protections.
Myanmar nationals now make up one of the largest displaced populations in Thailand. They fled political violence following the February 2021 coup in Myanmar, which ignited a long and bloody civil war.
Thailand’s decision didn’t happen overnight. It came after years of sustained social research, policy engagement and collaboration among academics, civil society, affected communities and policymakers, with key support from IDRC, including through the Knowledge for Democracy Myanmar (K4DM) initiative, a partnership with Global Affairs Canada.
Since the 2021 coup, political violence, economic collapse and forced military service have driven hundreds of thousands of Myanmar nationals across the border into Thailand, creating Southeast Asia’s biggest migration route between two countries.
For more than 40 years, people from Myanmar in Thai refugee camps have been barred from working legally, moving freely outside the camps, or accessing public services.
Research consistently shows that displaced people seek the same thing: the ability to support themselves with dignity. Yet most of the world’s 30 million refugees and forcibly displaced people face legal barriers to employment. Globally, denying the right to work pushes people to rely on humanitarian aid — which is running out. In 2024, international refugee funding dropped to roughly USD39 (CAD53) per person, down from USD72 (CAD98) a decade earlier. In this context, the right to work is not only a human rights issue; it’s also a practical way to help economies and improve governance.
Much of the global debate on refugee livelihoods is framed through the 1951 Refugee Convention. However, most Southeast Asian countries, including Thailand, haven’t signed it. While this is often seen as a protection gap, it also allows more flexible policies — creating chances for local solutions that fit real conditions.
For Thailand, hosting large displaced populations from a neighbouring country of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has created humanitarian, political and economic challenges. A common worry is that refugees and migrants could put pressure on jobs or public services. Research has been key in showing this fear is not true.
Studies led by Thai scholars and institutions — many supported through IDRC-funded initiatives such as the research chairs on forced displacement and the Local Engagement Refugee Research Network — show that most Myanmar migrants are young, working and already helping in industries that lack workers.
One leading voice in this field is Sirada Khemanitthathai of Chiang Mai University in Thailand. A prominent scholar on Myanmar migration and one of the 12 IDRC-funded chairs on forced displacement, her research combines deep study of migration rules with direct talks with policymakers, turning research into clear advice for Thai officials.
Through parliamentary briefings, policy dialogues and collaborative reports, her work — and that of colleagues across the region — has helped dispel the perception that migrants are a security threat and highlighted how they are a vital part of Thailand’s population and economy.
One of the best examples of research shaping policy comes from Chiang Mai University’s School of Public Policy. With support from several institutions, including IDRC, and led by Ora-orn Poocharoen, the school organized a first-of-its-kind planning and consultation process involving the whole government. This effort brought together the National Security Council, multiple ministries, the Royal Thai Armed Forces’ Border Affairs Department and civil society organizations.
These consultations shaped the Border Connectivity Initiative Project, which aims to manage movement across the Myanmar border in a more organized way. In March 2025, the school formally submitted its policy report to the deputy prime minister and minister of interior of Thailand.
Five months later, Thailand’s Cabinet approved measures to regulate and legalize work for Myanmar nationals in temporary shelters — a decision rooted in years of research and relationship-building. The policy aims to bring more order and accountability while helping people support themselves through legal work.
This policy shift shows an important lesson: social research does more than diagnose problems — it helps governments navigate politically sensitive issues with evidence and confidence. IDRC’s support was key not just for collecting data, but for sustaining the ecosystem that transforms knowledge into action: building capable institutions, fostering trust between researchers and policymakers and supporting long-term engagement.
Another core point to IDRC’s approach was recognizing that, for policy change to lead to real impact on the ground, those most affected must be able to claim their rights safely. In northern border provinces such as Chiang Mai, Chiang Rai, Tak and Mae Hong Son, civil society organizations — often with researchers — have helped migrants learn Thai, understand labour regulations and express their needs. These initiatives have built trust with local officials and reduced the idea that displaced populations are invisible or ungovernable.
WATCH: Edgard Rodriguez, Myanmar lead at IDRC’s Asia Regional Office, discusses the importance of research for the landmark policy outcome
On February 6, 2026, the Centre on Gender and Forced Displacement (CGFD), an IDRC-supported centre at the Asian Institute of Technology, in partnership with The Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development, Chiang Mai University, will host a one-day policy dialogue to discuss Myanmar refugee policy amid changing aid conditions and labour-market needs. Learn more about the event here.
Dangerous Channels, led by Intellectum Research, explores how online misinformation and hate speech distort Myanmar’s social and political landscape. (January 2024)

By Intellectum Research Consortium.
MYANMAR DIGITAL RESEARCH 01
This study aims to raise awareness about the pernicious patterns of misinformation, malinformation, and hate speech that threaten Myanmar’s digital and sociopolitical landscape. It focuses on the spread of mis/disinformation and “malinformation” on pro-regime Telegram channels in Myanmar after the coup in 2021. Beyond posing a threat to digital safety and security for pro-democracy groups, these channels have alarming instances of hate speech and dangerous speech targeting pro-democracy and anti-regime groups and accounts. This research employs a mixed-method approach, combining quantitative and qualitative analysis along with one-on-one key informant interviews. In the wake of the 2021 coup, the pro-military regime or SAC (State Administration Council) quickly shifted its primary information channel from Facebook to alternate platforms, including Telegram, highlighting the adaptability of disinformation networks. Responding to this shift, the research analyzed data from five Telegram channels, with anonymization measures in place to protect personal information from other Telegram users. The
research faced limitations in verifying incidents in areas with limited internet connectivity, and some pro-regime channels were removed during the process. Furthermore, language barriers hinder insights into Telegram content featuring non-Burmese speakers. The findings reveal that malinformation is the dominant category on the pro-regime channels, at about 30% of analyzed content. This malinformation often combines factual information with selective narratives and portrays one-sided accusations. The Telegram channels frequently advocate for retaliatory military action while omitting or denying certain events. Doxing incidents are prevalent, with the findings revealing 16 documented cases of Telegram doxing resulting in arrests. Interviews with fact-checkers and journalists shed light on the motivations behind spreading misinformation and the tactics employed by SAC. The impact of mis/disinformation is evident in community trust, the economy, and social cohesion, leading to changes in public opinion. Doxing incidents have wide-ranging effects, from loss of property to loss of life and citizenship. Improving digital literacy, fact-checking, and monitoring efforts are essential to mitigate these issues. Telegram also needs to take part in greater responsibility by implementing policies on mis/disinformation and hateful malinformation.
Keywords: misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, hate speech, telegram, 2021 coup, Myanmar,
doxing, digital security, digital safety
This Myanmar Digital Research paper was produced for the Knowledge for Democracy Myanmar (K4DM) initiative, with the aid of a grant from the International Development Research Centre (IDRC), and with support from The SecDev Foundation. Views expressed herein do not necessarily represent those of either organization.
Over the next two years, twenty papers in the Myanmar Digital Research series will have researchers within and in the Myanmar diaspora exploring how the digital world is shaping their social, political and economic crisis, bringing new insights into issues facing Myanmar citizens. See below for others available now.
Nyi Nyi Kyaw is IDRC’s Research Chair on Forced Displacement at The Regional Center for Social Science and Sustainable Development (RCSD) at Chiang Mai University in Thailand. Here he talks about his background and his work on forced displacement.
Nyi Nyi Kyaw will focus on two projects as the IDRC Research Chair. The first investigates the position of researchers from and in the Global South regarding forced displacement, while the second examines conflict and displacement case by case with a focus on Myanmar’s crisis and displacement patterns in Southeast Asia.

Twelve research chairs to generate locally led knowledge on forced displacement (IDRC Research-in-Action article)
Research chairs will anchor knowledge on forced displacement in the Global South (IDRC Research-in-Action article)